The Donatist schism in Africa began in 311 and flourished just one hundred

years, until the conference at Carthage in 411, after which its importance

waned.

CAUSES OF THE SCHISM

In order to trace the origin of the division we have to go back to the

persecution under Diocletian. The first edict of that emperor against Christians

(24 Feb., 303) commanded their churches to be destroyed, their Sacred Books to

be delivered up and burnt, while they themselves were outlawed. Severer measures

followed in 304, when the fourth edict ordered all to offer incense to the idols

under pain of death. After the abdication of Maximian in 305, the persecution

seems to have abated in Africa. Until then it was terrible. In Numidia the

governor, Florus, was infamous for his cruelty, and, though many officials may

have been, like the proconsul Anulinus, unwilling to go further than they were

obliged, yet St. Optatus is able to say of the Christians of the whole country

that some were confessors, some were martyrs, some fell, only those who were

hidden escaped. The exaggerations of the highly strung African character showed

themselves. A hundred years earlier Tertullian had taught that flight from

persecution was not permissible. Some now went beyond this, and voluntarily gave

themselves up to martyrdom as Christians. Their motives were, however, not

always above suspicion. Mensurius, the Bishop of Carthage, in a letter to

Secundus, Bishop of Tigisi, then the senior bishop (primate) of Numidia,

declares that he had forbidden any to be honoured as martyrs who had given

themselves up of their own accord, or who had boasted that they possessed copies

of the Scriptures which they would not relinquish; some of these, he says, were

criminals and debtors to the State, who thought they might by this means rid

themselves of a burdensome life, or else wipe away the remembrance of their

misdeeds, or at least gain money and enjoy in prison the luxuries supplied by

the kindness of Christians. The later excesses of the Circumcellions show that

Mensurius had some ground for the severe line he took. He explains that he had

himself taken the Sacred Books of the Church to his own house, and had

substituted a number of heretical writings, which the prosecutors had seized

without asking for more; the proconsul, when informed of the deception refused

to search the bishop's private house. Secundus, in his reply, without blaming

Mensurius, somewhat pointedly praised the martyrs who in his own province had

been tortured and put to death for refusing to deliver up the Scriptures; he

himself had replied to the officials who came to search: "I am a Christian and a

bishop, not a traditor." This word traditor became a technical expression to

designate those who had given up the Sacred Books, and also those who had

committed the worse crimes of delivering up the sacred vessels and even their

own brethren.

It is certain that relations were strained between the confessors in prison at

Carthage and their bishop. If we may credit the Donatist Acts of the forty-nine

martyrs of Abitene, they broke off communion with Mensurius. We are informed in

these Acts that Mensurius was a traditor by his own confession, and that his

deacon, Caecilian, raged more furiously against the martyrs than did the

persecutors themselves; he set armed men with whips before the door of the

prison to prevent their receiving any succor; the food brought by the piety of

the Christians was thrown to the dogs by these ruffians, and the drink provided

was spilled in the street, so that the martyrs, whose condemnation the mild

proconsul had deferred, died in prison of hunger and thirst. The story is

recognized by Duchesne and others as exaggerated. It would be better to say that

the main point is incredible; the prisoners would not have been allowed by the

Roman officials to starve; the details - that Mensurius confessed himself a

traditor, that he prevented the succoring of the imprisoned confessors - are

simply founded on the letter of Mensurius to Secundus. Thus we may safely reject

all the latter part of the Acts as fictitious. The earlier part is authentic: it

relates how certain of the faithful of Abitene met and celebrated their usual

Sunday service, in defiance of the emperor's edict, under the leadership of the

priest Saturninus, for their bishop was a traditor and they disowned him; they

were sent to Carthage, made bold replies when interrogated, and were imprisoned

by Anulinus, who might have condemned them to death forthwith. The whole account

is characteristic of the fervid African temperament. We can well imagine how the

prudent Mensurius and his lieutenant, the deacon Caecilian, were disliked by

some of the more excitable among their flock.

We know in detail how the inquiries for sacred books were carried out, for the

official minutes of an investigation at Cirta (afterwards Constantine) in

Numidia are preserved. The bishop and his clergy showed themselves ready to give

up all they had, but drew the line at betraying their brethren; even here their

generosity was not remarkable, for they added that the names and addresses were

well known to the officials. The examination was conducted by Munatius Felix,

perpetual flamen, curator of the colony of Cirta. Having arrived with his

satellites at the bishop's house - in Numidia the searching was more severe than

in Proconsular Africa - the bishop was found with four priests, three deacons,

four subdeacons, and several fossores (diggers). These declared that the

Scriptures were not there, but in the hands of the lectors; an in fact the

bookcase was found to be empty. The clergy present refused to give the names of

the lectors, saying they were known to the notaries; but, with the exception of

the books, they gave in an inventory of all possessions of the church: two

golden chalices, six of silver, six silver cruets, a silver bowl, seven silver

lamps, two candlesticks, seven short bronze lamp-stands with lamps, eleven

bronze lamps with chains, eighty-two women's tunics, twenty-eight veils, sixteen

men's tunics, thirteen pairs of men's boots, forty-seven pairs of women's boots,

nineteen countrymen's smocks. Presently the subdeacon Silvanus brought forth a

silver box and another silver lamp, which he had found behind a jug. In the

dining-room were four casks and seven jugs. A subdeacon produced a thick book.

Then the houses of the lectors were visited: Eugenius gave up four volumes,

Felix, the mosaic worker gave up five, Victorinus eight, Projectus five large

volumes and two small ones, the grammarian Victor two codices and five quinions,

or gatherings of five leaves; Euticius of Caesarea declared that he had no

books; the wife of Coddeo produced six volumes, and said that she had no more;

and a search was made without further result. It is interesting to note that the

books were all codices (in book form), not rolls, which had gone out of fashion

in the course of the preceding century.

It is to be hoped that such disgraceful scenes were infrequent. A contrasting

instance of heroism is found in the story of Felix, Bishop of Tibiuca, who was

hauled before the magistrate on the very day, 5 June 303, when the decree was

posted up in that city. He refused to give up any books, and was sent to

Carthage. The proconsul Anulinus, unable by close confinement to weaken his

determination, sent him on to Rome to Maximian Hercules.

In 305, the persecution had relaxed, and it was possible to unite fourteen or

more bishops at Cirta in order to give a successor to Paul. Secundus presided as

primate, and in his zeal he attempted to examine the conduct of his colleagues.

They met in a private house, for the Church had not yet been restored to the

Christians. "We must first try ourselves", said the primate, "before we can

venture to ordain a bishop". To Donatus of Mascula he said: "You are said to

have been a traditor." "You know", replied the bishop, "how Florus searched for

me that I might offer incense, but God did not deliver me into his hands,

brother. As God forgave me, do you reserve me to His judgment." "What then",

said Secundus, "shall we say of the martyrs? It is because they did not give up

anything that they were crowned." "Send me to God," said Donatus, "to Him will I

give an account." (In fact, a bishop was not amenable to penance and was

properly "reserved to God" in this sense.) "Stand on one side", said the

president, and to Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanae he said: "You also are said to be

a traditor." Marinus said: "I gave papers to Pollux; my books are safe." This

was not satisfactory, and Secundus said: "Go over to that side"; then to Donatus

of Calama: "You are said to be a traditor." "I gave up books on medicine."

Secundus seems to have been incredulous, or at least he thought a trial was

needed, for again he said: "Stand on one side." After a gap in the Acts, we read

that Secundus turned to Victor, Bishop of Russicade: "You are said to have given

up the Four Gospels." Victor replied: "It was the curator, Valentinus; he forced

me to throw them into the fire. Forgive me this fault, and God will also forgive

it." Secundus said: "Stand on one side." Secundus (after another gap) said to

Purpurius of Limata: "You are said to have killed the two sons of your sister at

Mileum" (Milevis). Purpurius answered with vehemence: "Do you think I am

frightened by you as the others are? What did you do yourself when the curator

and his officials tried to make you give up the Scriptures? How did you manage

to get off scot-free, unless you gave them something, or ordered something to be

given? They certainly did not let you go for nothing! As for me I have killed

and I kill those who are against me; do not provoke me to say anymore. You know

that I do not interfere where I have no business." At this outburst, a nephew of

Secundus said to the primate: "You hear what they say of you? He is ready to

withdraw and make a schism; and the same is true of all those whom you accuse;

and I know they are capable of turning you out and condemning you, and you alone

will then be the heretic. What is it to you what they have done? Each must give

his account to God." Secundus (as St. Augustine points out) had apparently no

reply against the accusation of Purpurius, so he turned to the two or three

bishops who remained unaccused: "What do you think?" These answered: "They have

God to whom they must give an account." Secundus said: "You know and God knows.

Sit down." And all replied: Deo gratis.

These minutes have been preserved for us by St. Augustine. The later Donatists

declared them forged, but not only could St. Optatus refer to the age of the

parchment on which they were written, but they are made easily credible by the

testimonies given before Zenophilus in 320. Seeck, as well as Duchesne (see

below), upholds their genuineness. We hear from St. Optatus of another fallen

Numidian bishop, who refused to come to the council on the pretext of bad eyes,

but in reality for fear his fellow-citizens should prove that he had offered

incense, a crime of which the other bishops were not guilty. The bishops

proceeded to ordain a bishop, and they chose Silvanus, who, as a subdeacon,

assisted in the search for sacred vessels. The people of Cirta rose up against

him, crying that he was a traditor, and demanded the appointment of a certain

Donatus. But country people and gladiators were engaged to set him in the

episcopal chair, to which he was carried on the back of a man named Mutus.

CAECILIAN AND MAJORINUS

A certain Donatus of Casae Nigrae is said to have caused a schism in Carthage

during the lifetime of Mensurius. In 311 Maxentius obtained dominion over

Africa, and a deacon of Carthage, Felix, was accused of writing a defamatory

letter against the tyrant. Mensurius was said to have concealed his deacon in

his house and was summoned to Rome. He was acquitted, but died on his return

journey. Before his departure from Africa, he had given the gold and silver

ornaments of the church to the care of certain old men, and had also consigned

an inventory of these effects to an aged woman, who was to deliver it to the

next bishop. Maxentius gave liberty to the Christians, so that it was possible

for an election to be held at Carthage. The bishop of Carthage, like the pope,

was commonly consecrated by a neighbouring bishop, assisted by a number of

others form the vicinity. He was primate not only of the proconsular province,

but of the other provinces of North Africa, including Numidian, Byzacene,

Tripolitana, and the two Mauretanias, which were all governed by the vicar of

prefects. In each of these provinces the local primacy was attached to no town,

but was held by the senior bishop, until St. Gregory the Great made the office

elective. St. Optatus implies that the bishops of Numidia, many of whom were at

no great distance from Carthage, had expected that they would have a voice in

the election; but two priests, Botrus and Caelestius, who each expected to be

elected, had managed that only a small number of bishops should be present.

Caecilian, the deacon who had been so obnoxious to the martyrs, was duly chosen

by the whole people, placed in the chair of Mensurius, and consecrated by Felix,

Bishop of Aptonga or Abtughi. The old men who had charge of the treasure of the

church were obliged to give it up; they joined with Botrus and Caelestius in

refusing to acknowledge the new bishop. They were assisted by a rich lady named

Lucilla, who had a grudge against Caecilian because he had rebuked her habit of

kissing the bone of an uncanonized (non vindicatus) martyr immediately before

receiving Holy Communion. Probably we have here again a martyr whose death was

due to his own ill-regulated fervour.

Secundus, as the nearest primate, came with his suffragans to Carthage to judge

the affair, and in a great council of seventy bishops declared the ordination of

Caecilian to be invalid, as having been performed by a traditor. A new bishop

was consecrated. Majorinus, who belonged to the household of Lucilla and had

been a lector in the deaconry of Caecilian. That lady provided the sum of 400

folles (more than 11,000 dollars), nominally for the poor; but all of it went

into the pockets of the bishops, one-quarter of the sum being seized by

Purpurius of Limata. Caecilian had possession of the basilica and the cathedra

of Cyprian, and the people were with him, so that he refused to appear before

the council. "If I am not properly consecrated", he said ironically, "let them

treat me as a deacon, and lay hands on me afresh, and not on another." On this

reply being brought, Purpurius cried: "Let him come here, and instead of laying

on him, we will break his head in penance." No wonder that the action of this

council, which sent letters throughout Africa, had a great influence. But at

Carthage it was well known that Caecilian was the choice of the people, and it

was not believed that Felix of Aptonga had given up the Sacred Books. Rome and

Italy had given Caecilian their communion. The Church of the moderate Mensurius

did not hold that consecration by a traditor was invalid, or even that it was

illicit, if the traditor was still in lawful possession of his see. The council

of Secundus, on the contrary, declared that a traditor could not act as a

bishop, and that any who were in communion with traditors were cut off from the

Church. They called themselves the Church of the martyrs, and declared that all

who were in communion with public sinners like Caecilian and Felix were

necessarily excommunicate.

THE CONDEMNATION BY POPE MELCHIADES

Very soon there were many cities having two bishops, the one in communion with

Caecilian, the other with Majorinus. Constantine, after defeating Maxentius (28

October, 312) and becoming master of Rome, showed himself a Christian in his

acts. He wrote to Anulinus, proconsul of Africa (was he same as the mild

proconsul of 303?), restoring the churches to Catholics, and exempting clerics

of the "Catholic Church of which Caecilian is president" from civil functions

(Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. X, v 15, and vii, 2). he also wrote to Caecilian (ibid.,

X, vi, 1) sending him an order for 3000 folles to be distributed in Africa,

Numidia, and Mauretania; if more was needed, the bishop must apply for more. He

added that he had heard of turbulent persons who sought to corrupt the Church;

he had ordered the proconsul Anulinus, and the vicar of prefects to restrain

them, and Caecilian was to appeal to these officials if necessary. The opposing

party lost no time. A few days after the publication of these letters, their

delegates, accompanied by a mob, brought to Anulinus two bundles of documents,

containing the complaints of their party against Caecilian, to be forwarded to

the emperor. St. Optatus has preserved a few words from their petition, in which

Constantine is begged to grant judges from Gaul, where under his father's rule

there had been no persecution, and therefore no traditors. Constantine knew the

Church's constitution too well to comply and thereby make Gallic bishops judges

of the primates of Africa. He at once referred the matter to the pope,

expressing his intention, laudable, if too sanguine, of allowing no schisms in

the Catholic Church. That the African schismatics might have no ground of

complaint, he ordered three of the chief bishops of Gaul, Reticius of Autun,

Maternus of Cologne, and Marinus of Arles, to repair to Rome, to assist at the

trial. He ordered Caecilian to come thither with ten bishops of his accusers and

ten of his own communion. The memorials against Caecilian he sent to the pope,

who would know, he says, what procedure to employ in order to conclude the whole

matter with justice. (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., X, v, 18). Pope Melchiades summoned

fifteen Italian bishops to sit with him. From this time forward we find that in

all important matters the popes issue their decretal letters from a small

council of bishops, and there are traces of this custom even before this. The

ten Donatist bishops (for we may now give the party its eventual name) were

headed by a Bishop Donatus of Casae Nigrae. It was assumed by Optatus,

Augustine, and the other Catholic apologists that this was "Donatus the Great",

the successor of Majorinus as schismatic Bishop of Carthage. But the Donatists

of St. Augustine's time were anxious to deny this, as they did not wish to admit

that their protagonist had been condemned, and the Catholics at the conference

of 411 granted them the existence of a Donatus, Bishop of Casae Nigrae, who had

distinguished himself by active hostility to Caecilian. Modern authorities agree

in accepting this view. But it seems inconceivable that, if Majorinus was still

alive, he should not have been obliged to go to Rome. It would be very strange,

further, that a Donatus of Casae Nigrae should appear as the leader of the

party, without any explanation, unless Casae Nigrae was simply the birthplace of

Donatus the Great. If we assume that Majorinus had died and had been succeeded

by Donatus the Great just before the trial at Rome, we shall understand why

Majorinus is never again mentioned. The accusations against Caecilian in the

memorial were disregarded, as being anonymous and unproved. The witnesses

brought from Africa acknowledged that they had nothing against him. Donatus, on

the other hand, was convicted by his own confession of having rebaptized and of

having laid his hands in penance on bishops - this was forbidden by

ecclesiastical law. On the third day the unanimous sentence was pronounced by

Melchiades: Caecilian was to be maintained in ecclestiastical communion. If

Donatist bishops returned to the Church, in a place where there were two rival

bishops, the junior was to retire and be provided with another see. The

Donatists were furious. A hundred years later their successor declared that Pope

Melchiades was himself a traditor, and that on this account they had not

accepted his decision; though there is no trace of this having been alleged at

the time. But the nineteen bishops at Rome were contrasted with the seventy

bishops of the Cathaginian Council, and a fresh judgment was demanded.

THE COUNCIL OF ARLES

Constantine was angry, but he saw that the party was powerful in Africa, and he

summoned a council of the whole West (that is, of the whole of his actual

dominions) to meet at Arles on 1 August, 314. Melchiades was dead, and his

successor, St. Sylvester, thought it unbecoming to leave Rome, thus setting an

example which he repeated in the case of Nicaea, and which his successors

followed in the cases of Sardica, Rimini, and the Eastern oecumenical councils.

Between forty and fifty sees were represented at the council by bishops or

proxies; the Bishops of London, York, and Lincoln were there. St. Sylvester sent

legates. The council condemned the Donatists and drew up a number of canons; it

reported its proceedings in a letter to the pope, which is extant; but, as in

the case of Nicaea, no detailed Acts remain, nor are any such mentioned by the

ancients. The Fathers in their letter salute Sylvester, saying that he had

rightly decided not to quit the spot "where the Apostles daily sit in judgment";

had he been with them, they might perhaps have dealt more severely with the

heretics. Among the canons, one forbids rebaptism (which was still practised in

Africa), another declares that those who falsely accuse their brethren shall

have communion only at the hour of death. On the other hand, traditors are to be

refused communion, but only when their fault has been proved by public official

acts; those whom they have ordained are to retain their positions. The council

produced some effect in Africa, but the main body of the Donatists was

immovable. They appealed from the council to the emperor. Constantine was

horrified: "O insolent madness!" he wrote, "they appeal from heaven to earth,

from Jesus Christ to a man."

THE POLICY OF CONSTANTINE

The emperor retained the Donatist envoys in Gaul, after at first dismissing

them. He seems to have thought of sending for Caecilian, then of granting a full

examination in Africa. The case of Felix of Aptonga was in fact examined by his

order at Carthage in February, 315 (St. Augustine is probably wrong in giving

314). The minutes of the proceedings have come down to us in a mutilated state;

they are referred to by St. Optatus, who appended them to his book with other

documents, and they are frequently cited by St. Augustine. It was shown that the

letter which the Donatists put forward as proving the crime of Felix, had been

interpolated by a certain Ingentius; this was established by the confession of

Ingentius, as well as by the witness of Alfius, the writer of the letter. It was

proved that Felix was actually absent at the time the search for Sacred Books

was made at Aptonga. Constantine eventually summoned Caecilian and his opponents

to Rome; but Caecilian, for some unknown reason, did not appear. Caecilian and

Donatus the Great (who was now, at all events, bishop) were called to Milan,

where Constantine heard both sides with great care. He declared that Caecilian

was innocent and an excellent bishop (Augustine, Contra Cresconium, III lxxi).

He retained both in Italy, however, while he sent two bishops, Eunomius and

Olympius, to Africa, with an idea of putting Donatus and Caecilian aside, and

substituting a new bishop, to be agreed upon by all parties. It is to be

presumed that Caecilian and Donatus had assented to this course; but the

violence of the sectaries made it impossible to carry it out. Eunomius and

Olympius declared at Carthage that the Catholic Church was that which is

diffused throughout the world and that the sentence pronounced against the

Donatists could not be annulled. They communicated with the clergy of Caecilian

and returned to Italy. Donatus went back to Carthage, and Caecilian, seeing

this, felt himself free to do the same. Finally Constantine ordered that the

churches which the Donatists had taken should be given to the Catholics. Their

other meeting-places were confiscated. Those who were convicted (of calumny?)

lost their goods. Evictions were carried out by the military. An ancient sermon

on the passion of the Donatist "martyrs", Donatus and Advocatus, describes such

scenes. In one of them a regular massacre occurred, and a bishop was among the

slain, if we may trust this curious document. The Donatists were proud of this

"persecution of Caecilian", which "the Pure" suffered at the hands of the

"Church of the Traditors". The Comes Leontius and the Dux Ursacius were the

special objects of their indignation.

In 320 came revelations unpleasant to the "Pure". Nundinarius, a deacon of

Cirta, had a quarrel with his bishop, Silvanus, who caused him to be stoned - so

he said in his complaint to certain Numidian bishops, in which he threatened

that if they did not use their influence in his behalf with Silvanus, he would

tell what he knew of them. As he got no satisfaction he brought the matter

before Zenophilus, the consular of Numidia. The minutes have come to us in a

fragmentary form in the appendix of Optatus, under the title of "Gesta apud

Zenophilum". Nundinarius produced letters from Purpurius and other bishops to

Silvanus and to the people of Cirta, trying to have peace made with the

inconvenient deacon. The minutes of the search at Cirta, which we have already

cited, were read and witnesses were called to establish their accuracy,

including two of the fossores then present and a lector, Victor the grammarian.

It was shown no only that Silvanus was a traditor, but that he had assisted

Purpurius, together with two priests and a deacon, in the theft of certain casks

of vinegar belonging to the treasury, which were in the temple of Serapis.

Silvanus had ordained a priest for the sum of 20 folles (500 to 600 dollars). It

was established that none of the money given by Lucilla had reached the poor for

whom it was ostensibly given. Thus Silvanus, one of the mainstays of the "Pure"

Church, which declared that to communicate with any traditor was to be outside

the Church, was himself proved to be a traditor. He was exiled by the consular

for robbing the treasury, for obtaining money under false pretences, and for

getting himself made bishop by violence. The Donatists later preferred to say

that he was banished for refusing to communicate with the "Caecilianists", and

Cresconius even spoke of "the persecution of Zenophilus". But it should have

been clear to all that the consecrators of Majorinus had called their opponents

traditors in order to cover their own delinquencies.

The Donatist party owed its success in great part to the ability of its leader

Donatus, the successor of Majorinus. He appears to have really merited the title

of "the Great" by his eloquence and force of character. His writings are lost.

His influence with his party was extraordinary. St. Augustine frequently

declaims against his arrogance and the impiety with which he was almost

worshipped by his followers. In his lifetime he is said to have greatly enjoyed

the adulation he received, and after death he was counted as a martyr and

miracles were ascribed to him.

In 321 Constantine relaxed his vigorous measures, having found that they did not

produce the peace he had hoped for, and he weakly begged the Catholics to suffer

the Donatists with patience. This was not easy, for the schismatics broke out

into violence. At Cirta, Silvanus having returned, they seized the basilica

which the emperor had built for the Catholics. They would not give it up, and

Constantine found no better expedient that to build another. Throughout Africa,

but above all in Numidia, they were numerous. They taught that in all the rest

of the world the Catholic Church had perished, through having communicated with

the traditor Caecilian; their sect alone was the true Church. If a Catholic came

into their churches, they drove him out, and washed with salt the pavement where

he had stood. Any Catholic who joined them was forced to be rebaptized. They

asserted that their own bishops and ministers were without fault, else their

ministrations would be invalid. But in fact they were convicted of drunkenness

and other sins. St. Augustine tells us on the authority of Tichonius that the

Donatists held a council of two hundred and seventy bishops in which they

discussed for seventy-five days the question of rebaptism; they finally decided

that in cases where traditors refused to be rebaptized they should be

communicated with in spite of this; and the Donatist bishops of Mauretania did

not rebaptize traditors until the time of Macarius. Outside Africa the Donatists

had a bishop residing on the property of an adherent in Spain, and at an early

period of the schism they made a bishop for their small congregation in Rome,

which met, it seems, on a hill outside the city, and had the name of

"Montenses". This antipapal "succession with a beginning" was frequently

ridiculed by Catholic writers. The series included Felix, Boniface, Encolpius,

Macrobius (c. 370), Lucian, Claudian (c. 378), and again Felix in 411.

THE CIRCUMCELLIONS

The date of the first appearance of the Circumcellions is uncertain, but

probably they began before the death of Constantine. They were mostly rustic

enthusiasts, who knew no Latin, but spoke Punic; it has been suggested that they

may have been of Berber blood. They joined the ranks of the Donatists, and were

called by them agnostici and "soldiers of Christ", but in fact were brigands.

Troops of them were to be met in all parts of Africa. They had no regular

occupation, but ran about armed, like madmen. They used no swords, on the ground

that St. Peter had been told to put his sword into its sheath; but they did

continual acts of violence with clubs, which they called "Israelites". They

bruised their victims without killing them, and left them to die. In St.

Augustine's time, however, they took to swords and all sorts of weapons; they

rushed about accompanied by unmarried women, played, and drank. They battle-cry

was Deo laudes, and no bandits were more terrible to meet. They frequently

sought death, counting suicide as martyrdom. They were especially fond of

flinging themselves from precipices; more rarely they sprang into the water or

fire. Even women caught the infection, and those who had sinned would cast

themselves from the cliffs, to atone for their fault. Sometimes the

Circumcellions sought death at the hands of others, either by paying men to kill

them, by threatening to kill a passer-by if he would not kill them, or by their

violence inducing magistrates to have them executed. While paganism still

flourished, they would come in vast crowds to any great sacrifice, not to

destroy the idols, but to be martyred. Theodoret says a Circumcellion was

accustomed to announce his intention of becoming a martyr long before the time,

in order to be well treated and fed like a beast for slaughter. He relates an

amusing story (Haer. Fab., IV, vi) to which St. Augustine also refers. A number

of these fanatics, fattened like pheasants, met a young man and offered him a

drawn sword to smite them with, threatening to murder him if he refused. He

pretended to fear that when he had killed a few, the rest might change their

minds and avenge the deaths of their fellows; and he insisted that they must all

be bound. They agreed to this; when they were defenceless, the young man gave

each of them a beating and went his way.

When in controversy with Catholics, the Donatist bishops were not proud of their

supporters. They declared that self-precipitation from a cliff had been

forbidden in the councils. Yet the bodies of these suicides were sacrilegiously

honoured, and crowds celebrated their anniversaries. Their bishops could not but

conform, and they were often glad enough of the strong arms of the

Circumcellions. Theodoret, soon after St. Augustine's death, knew of no other

Donatists than the Circumcellions; and these were the typical Donatists in the

eyes of all outside Africa. They were especially dangerous to the Catholic

clergy, whose houses they attacked and pillaged. They beat and wounded them, put

lime and vinegar on their eyes, and even forced them to be rebaptized. Under

Axidus and Fasir, "the leaders of the Saints" in Numidia, property and roads

were unsafe, debtors were protected, slaves were set in their masters'

carriages, and the masters made to run before them. At length, the Donatist

bishops invited a general named Taurinus to repress these extravagances. He met

with resistance in a place named Octava, and the altars and tablets to be seen

there in St. Optatus's time testified to the veneration given to the

Circumcellions who were slain; but their bishops denied them the honour due to

martyrs. It seems that in 336-7 the proefectus proetorio of Italy, Gregory took

some measures against the Donatists, for St. Optatus tells us that Donatus wrote

him a letter beginning: "Gregory, stain on the senate and disgrace to the

prefects".

THE "PERSECUTION" OF MACARIUS

When Constantine became master of the East by defeating Licinius in 323, he was

prevented by the rise of Arianism in the East from sending, as he had hoped,

Eastern bishops to Africa, to adjust the differences between the Donatists and

the Catholics. Caecilian of Carthage was present at the Council of Nicea in 325,

and his successor, Gratus, was at that of Sardica in 342. The conciliabulum of

the Easterns on that occasion wrote a letter to Donatus, as though he were the

true Bishop of Carthage; but the Arians failed to gain the support of the

Donatists, who looked upon the whole East as cut off from the Church, which

survived in Africa alone. The Emperor Constans was an anxious as his father to

give peace to Africa. In 347 he sent thither two commissioners, Paulus and

Macarius, with large sums of money for distribution. Donatus naturally saw in

this an attempt to win over his adherents to the Church by bribery; he received

the envoys with insolence: "What has the emperor to do with the Church?" said

he, and he forbade his people to accept any largess from Constans. In most

parts, however, the friendly mission seems to have been not unfavourably

received. But at Bagai in Numidia the bishop, Donatus, assembled the

Circumcellions of the neighbourhood, who had already been excited by their

bishops. Macarius was obliged to ask for the protection of the military. The

Circumcellions attacked them, and killed two or three soldiers; the troops then

became uncontrollable, and slew some of the Donatists. This unfortunate incident

was thereafter continually thrown in the teeth of the Catholics, and they were

nicknamed Macarians by the Donatists, who declared that Donatus of Bagai had

been precipitated from a rock, and that another bishop, Marculus, had been

thrown into a well. The existing Acts of two other Donatist martyrs of 347,

Maximian and Isaac, are preserved; they apparently belong to Carthage, and are

attributed by Harnack to the Antipope Macrobius. It seems that after violence

had begun, the envoys ordered the Donatists to unite with the Church whether

they willed or no. Many of the bishops took flight with their partisans; a few

joined the Catholics; the rest were banished. Donatus the Great died in exile. A

Donatist named Vitellius composed a book to show that the servants of God are

hated by the world.

A solemn Mass was celebrated in each place where the union was completed, and

the Donatists set about a rumour that images (obviously of the emperor) were to

be placed in the altar and worshipped. As nothing of the sort was found to be

done, and as the envoys merely made a speech in favour of unity, it seems that

the reunion was effected with less violence than might have been expected. The

Catholics and their bishops praised God for the peace that ensued, though they

declared that they had no responsibility for the action of Paulus and Macarius.

In the following year Gratus, the Catholic Bishop of Carthage, held a council,

in which the reiteration of baptism was forbidden, while, to please the rallied

Donatists, traditors were condemned anew. It was forbidden to honour suicides as

martyrs.

THE RESTORATION OF DONATISM BY JULIAN

The peace was happy for Africa, and the forcible means by which it was obtained

were justified by the violence of the sectaries. But the accession of Julian the

Apostate in 361 changed the face of affairs. Delighted to throw Christianity

into confusion, Julian allowed the Catholic bishops who had been exiled by

Constantius to return to the sees which the Arians were occupying. The

Donatists, who had been banished by Constans, were similarly allowed to return

at their own petition, and received back their basilicas. Scenes of violence

were the result of this policy both in the East and the West. "Your fury", wrote

St. Optatus, "returned to Africa at the same moment that the devil was set

free", for the same emperor restored supremacy to paganism and the Donatists to

Africa. The decree of Julian was considered so discreditable to them, that the

Emperor Honorius in 405 had it posted up throughout Africa for their shame. St.

Optatus gives a vehement catalogue of the excesses committed by the Donatists on

their return. They invaded the basilicas with arms; they committed so many

murders that a report of them was sent to the emperor. Under the orders of two

bishops, a party attacked the basilica of Lemellef; they stripped off the roof,

pelted with tiles the deacons who were round the altar, and killed two of them.

In Maruetania riots signalized the return of the Donatists. In Numidia two

bishops availed themselves of the complaisance of the magistrates to throw a

peaceful population into confusion, expelling the faithful, wounding the men,

and not sparing the women and children. Since they did not admit the validity of

the sacraments administered by traditors, when they seized the churches they

cast the Holy Eucharist to the dogs; but the dogs, inflamed with madness,

attacked their own masters. An ampulla of chrism thrown out of a window was

found unbroken on the rocks. Two bishops were guilty of rape; one of these

seized the aged Catholic bishop and condemned him to public penance. All

Catholics whom they could force to join their party were made penitents, even

clerics of every rank, and children, contrary to the law of the Church. some for

a year, some for a month, some but for a day. In taking possession of a

basilica, they destroyed the altar, or removed it, or at least scraped the

surface. They sometimes broke up the chalices, and sold the materials. They

washed pavements, walls, and columns. Not content with recovering their

churches, they employed pagan functionaries to obtain for them possession of the

sacred vessels, furniture, altar-linen, and especially the books (how did they

purify the book? asks St. Optatus), sometimes leaving the Catholic congregation

with no books at all. The cemeteries were closed to the Catholic dead.

The revolt of Firmus, a Mauretanian chieftain who defied the Roman power and

eventually assumed the style of emperor (366-72), was undoubtedly supported by

many Donatists. The imperial laws against them were strengthened by Valentinian

in 373 and by Gratian, who wrote in 377 to the vicar of prefects, Flavian

(himself a Donatist), ordering all the basilicas of the schismatics to be given

up to the Catholics. St. Augustine shows that even the churches which the

Donatists themselves had built were included. The same emperor required

Claudian, the Donatist bishop at Rome, to return to Africa; as he refused to

obey, a Roman council had him driven a hundred miles from the city. It is

probable that the Catholic Bishop of Carthage, Genethlius, caused the laws to be

mildly administered in Africa.

ST. OPTATUS

The Catholic champion, St. Optatus, Bishop of Milevis, published his great work

"De schismate Donatistarum" in answer to that of the Donatist Bishop of

Carthage, Parmenianus, under Valentinian and Valens, 364-375 (so St. Jerome).

Optatus himself tells us that he was writing after the death of Julian (363) and

more than sixty years after the beginning of the schism (he means the

persecution of 303). The form which we possess is a second edition, brought up

to date by the author after the accession of Pope Siricius (Dec., 384), with a

seventh book added to the original six. In the first book he describes the

origin and growth of the schism; in the second he shows the notes of the true

Church; in the third he defends the Catholics from the charge of persecuting,

with especial reference to the days of Macarius. In the fourth book he refutes

Parmenianus's proofs from Scripture that the sacrifice of a sinner is polluted.

In the fifth book he shows the validity of baptism even when conferred by

sinners, for it is conferred by Christ, the minister being the instrument only.

This is the first important statement of the doctrine that the grace of the

sacraments is derived from the opus operatum of Christ independently of the

worthiness of the minister. In the sixth book he describes the violence of the

Donatists and the sacrilegious way in which they had treated Catholic altars. In

the seventh book he treats chiefly of unity and of reunion, and returns to the

subject of Macarius.

He calls Parmenianus "brother", and wishes to treat the Donatists as brethren,

since they were not heretics. Like some other Fathers, he holds that only pagans

and heretics go to hell; schismatics and all Catholics will eventually be saved

after a necessary purgatory. This is the more curious, because before him and

after him in Africa Cyprian and Augustine both taught that schism is as bad as

heresy, if not worse. St. Optatus was much venerated by St. Augustine and later

by St. Fulgentius. He writes with vehemence, sometimes with violence, in spite

of his protestations of friendliness; but he is carried away by his indignation.

His style is forcible and effective, often concise and epigrammatic. To this

work he appended a collection of documents containing the evidence for the

history he had related. This dossier had certainly been formed much earlier, at

all events before the peace of 347, and not long after the latest document it

contains, which is dated Feb., 330; the rest are not later than 321, and may

possibly have been put together as early as that year. Unfortunately these

important historical testimonies have come down to us only in a single mutilated

manuscript, the archetype of which was also incomplete. The collection was

freely used at the conference of 411 and is often quoted at some length by St.

Augustine, who has preserved many interesting portions which would otherwise be

unknown to us.

THE MAXIMIANISTS

Before Augustine took up the mantle of Optatus together with a double portion of

his spirit, the Catholics had gained new and victorious arguments from the

divisions among the Donatists themselves. Like so many other schisms, this

schism bred schisms within itself. In Mauretania and Numidia these separated

sects were so numerous that the Donatists themselves could not name them all. We

hear of Urbanists; of Claudianists, who were reconciled to the main body by

Primianus of Carthage; of Rogatists, a Mauretanian sect, of mild character,

because no Circumcellion belonged to it; the Rogatists were severely punished

whenever the Donatists could induce the magistrates to do so, and were also

persecuted by Optatus of Timgad. But the most famous sectaries were the

Maximianists, for the story of their separation from the Donatists reproduces

with strange exactitude that of the withdrawal of the Donatists themselves from

the communion of the Church; and the conduct of the Donatists towards them was

so inconsistent with their avowed principles, that it became in the skilled

hands of Augustine the most effective weapon of all his controversial armoury.

Primianus, Donatist Bishop of Carthage, excommunicated the deacon Maximianus.

The latter (who was, like Majorinus, supported by a lady) got together a council

of forty-three bishops, who summoned Primianus to appear before them. The

primate refused, insulted their envoys, tried to have them prevented from

celebrating the Sacred Mysteries, and had stones thrown at them in the street.

The council summoned him before a greater council, which met to the number of a

hundred bishops at Cebarsussum in June, 393. Primianus was deposed; all clerics

were to leave his communion within eight days; if they should delay till after

Christmas, they would not be permitted to return to the Church even after

penance; the laity were allowed until the following Easter, under the same

penalty. A new bishop of Carthage was appointed in the person of Maximian

himself, and was consecrated by twelve bishops. The partisans of Primianus were

rebaptized, if they had been baptized after the permitted delay. Primianus stood

out, and demanded to be judged by a Numidian council; three hundred and ten

bishops met at Bagai in April, 394; the primate did not take the place of an

accused person, but himself presided. He was of course acquitted, and the

Maximianists were condemned without a hearing. All but the twelve consecrators

and their abettors among the clergy of Carthage were given till Christmas to

return; after this period they would be obliged to do penance. This decree,

composed in eloquent style by Emeritus of Caesarea, and adopted by acclamation,

made the Donatists hence-forward ridiculous through their having readmitted

schismatics without penance. Maximian's church was razed to the ground, and

after the term of grace had elapsed, the Donatists persecuted the unfortunate

Maximianists, representing themselves as Catholics, and demanding that the

magistrates should enforce against the new sectaries the very laws which

Catholics emperors had drawn up against Donatism. Their influence enabled them

to do this, for they were still far more numerous than the Catholics, and the

magistrates must often have been of their party. In the reception of those who

returned from the party of Maximian they were yet more fatally inconsequent. The

rule was theoretically adhered to that all who had been baptized in the schism

must be rebaptized; but if a bishop returned, he and his whole flock were

admitted without rebaptism. This was allowed even in the case of two of the

consecrators of Maximian, Praetextatus of Assur and Felixianus of Musti, after

the proconsul had vainly tried to expel them from their sees, and although a

Donatist bishop, Rogatus, had already been appointed at Assur. In another case

the party of Primianus was more consistent. Salvius, the Maximianist Bishop of

Membresa, was another of the consecrators. He was twice summoned by the

proconsul to retire in favour of the Primianist Restitutus. As he was much

respected by the people of Membresa, a mob was brought over from the

neighbouring town of Abitene to expel him; the aged bishop was beaten, and made

to dance with dead dogs tied around his neck. But his people built him a new

church, and three bishops coexisted in this small town, a Maximianist, a

Primianist, and a Catholic.

The leader of the Donatists at this time was Optatus, Bishop of Thamugadi

(Timgad), called Gildonianus, from his friendship with Gildo, the Count of

Africa (386-397). For ten years Optatus, supported by Gildo, was the tyrant of

Africa. He persecuted the Rogatists and Maximianists, and he used troops against

the Catholics. St. Augustine tells us that his vices and cruelties were beyond

description; but they had at least the effect of disgracing the cause of the

Donatists, for though he was hated throughout Africa for his wickedness and his

evil deeds, yet the Puritan faction remained always in full communion with this

bishop, who was a robber, a ravisher, an oppressor, a traitor, and a monster of

cruelty. When Gildo fell in 397, after having made himself master of Africa for

a few months, Optatus was thrown into a prison, in which he died.

SAINT AUGUSTINE

St. Augustine began his victorious campaign against Donatism soon after he was

ordained priest in 391. His popular psalm or "Abecedarium" against the Donatists

was intended to make known to the people the arguments set forth by St. Optatus,

with the same conciliatory end in view. It shows that the sect was founded by

traditors, condemned by pope and council, separated from the whole world, a

cause of division, violence, and bloodshed; the true Church is the one Vine,

whose branches are over all the earth. After St. Augustine had become bishop in

395, he obtained conferences with some of the Donatist leaders, though not with

his rival at Hippo. In 400 he wrote three books against the letter of

Parmenianus, refuting his calumnies and his arguments from Scripture. More

important were his seven books on baptism, in which, after developing the

principle already laid down by St. Optatus, that the effect of the sacrament is

independent of the holiness of the minister, he shows in great detail that the

authority of St. Cyprian is more awkward than convenient for the Donatists. The

principal Donatist controversialist of the day was Petilianus, Bishop of

Constantine, a successor of the traditor Silvanus. St. Augustine wrote two books

in reply to a letter of his against the Church, adding a third book to answer

another letter in which he was himself attacked by Petilianus. Before this last

book he published his "De Unitate ecclesiae" about 403. To these works must be

added some sermons and some letters which are real treatises.

The arguments used by St. Augustine against Donatism fall under three heads.

First we have the historical proofs of the regularity of Caecilian's

consecration, of the innocence of Felix of Aptonga, of the guilt of the founders

of the "Pure" Church, also the judgment given by pope, council, and emperor, the

true history of Macarius, the barbarous behaviour of the Donatists under Julian,

the violence of the Circumcellions, and so forth. Second, there are the

doctrinal arguments: the proofs from the Old and New Testaments that the Church

is Catholic, diffused throughout the world, and necessarily one and united;

appeal is made to the See of Rome, where the succession of bishops is

uninterrupted from St. Peter himself; St. Augustine borrows his list of popes

from St. Optatus (Ep. li), and in his psalm crystallizes the argument into the

famous phrase: "That is the rock against which the proud gates of hell do not

prevail." A further appeal is to the Eastern Church, and especially to the

Apostolic Churches to which St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. John addressed epistles

- they were not in communion with the Donatists. The validity of baptism

conferred by heretics, the impiety of rebaptizing, are important points. All

these arguments were found in St. Optatus. Peculiar to St. Augustine is the

necessity of defending St. Cyprian, and the third category is wholly his own.

The third division comprises the argumentum ad hominem drawn from the

inconsistency of the Donatists themselves: Secundus had pardoned the traditors;

full fellowship was accorded to malefactors like Optatus Gildonianus and the

Circumcellions; Tichonius turned against his own party; Maximian had divided

from Primatus just as Majorinus from Caecilian; the Maximianists had been

readmitted without rebaptism.

This last method of argument was found to be of great practical value, and many

conversions were now taking place, largely on account of the false position in

which the Donatists had placed themselves. This point had been especially

emphasized by the Council of Carthage of Sept., 401, which had ordered

information as to the treatment of the Maximianists to be gathered from

magistrates. The same synod restored the earlier rule, long since abolished,

that Donatist bishops and clergy should retain their rank if they returned to

the Church. Pope Anastasius I wrote to the council urging the importance of the

Donatist question. Another council in 403 organized public disputations with the

Donatists. This energetic action roused the Circumcellions to new violence. The

life of St. Augustine was endangered. His future biographer, St. Possidius of

Calama, was insulted and ill-treated by a party led by a Donatist priest,

Crispinus. The latter's bishop, also named Crispinus, was tried at Carthage and

fined ten pounds of gold as a heretic, though the fine was remitted by

Possidius. This is the first case known to us in which a Donatist is declared a

heretic, but henceforth it is the common style for them. The cruel and

disgusting treatment of Maximianus, Bishop of Bagai, is also related by St.

Augustine in detail. The Emperor Honorius was induced by the Catholics to renew

the old laws against the Donatists at the beginning of 405. Some good resulted,

but the Circumcellions of Hippo were excited to new violence. The letter of

Petilianus was defended by a grammarian named Cresconius, against whom St.

Augustine published a reply in four books. The third and fourth books are

especially important, as in these he argues from the Donatists' treatment of the

Maximianists, quotes the Acts of the Council of Cirta held by Secundus, and

cites other important documents. The saint also replied to a pamphlet by

Petilianus, "De unico baptismate".

THE "COLLATIO" OF 411

St. Augustine had once hoped to conciliate the Donatists by reason only. The

violence of the Circumcellions, the cruelties of Optatus of Thamugadi, the more

recent attacks on Catholic bishops had all given proof that repression by the

secular arm was absolutely unavoidable. It was not necessarily a case of

persecution for religious opinions, but simply one of the protection of life and

property and the ensuring of freedom and safety for Catholics. Nevertheless the

laws went much further than this. Those of Honorius were promulgated anew in 408

and 410. In 411 the method of disputation was organized on a grand scale by

order of the emperor himself at the request of the Catholic bishops. Their case

was now complete and unanswerable. But this was to be brought home to the people

of Africa, and public opinion was to be forced to recognize the facts, by a

public exposure of the weakness of the separatist position. The emperor sent an

official named Marcellinus, an excellent Christian, to preside as cognitor at

the conference. He issued a proclamation declaring that he would exercise

absolute impartiality in his conduct of the proceedings and in his final

judgment. The Donatist bishops who should come to the conference were to receive

back for the present the basilicas which had been taken from them. The number of

those who arrived at Carthage was very large, though somewhat less that the two

hundred and seventy-nine whose signatures were appended to a letter to the

president. The Catholic bishops numbered two hundred and eighty-six. Marcellinus

decided that each party should elect seven disputants, who alone should speak,

seven advisers whom they might consult, and four secretaries to keep the

records. Thus only thirty-six bishops would be present in all. The Donatists

pretended that this was a device to prevent their great numbers being known; but

the Catholics did not object to all of them being present, provided no

disturbance was caused.

The chief Catholic speaker, besides the amiable and venerable Bishop of

Carthage, Aurelius, was of course Augustine, whose fame had already spread

through the whole Church. His friend, Alypius of Tagaste, and his disciple and

biographer, Possidius, were also among the seven. The principal Donatist

speakers were Emeritus of Caesarea in Mauretania (Cherchel) and Petilianus of

Constantine (Cirta); the latter spoke or interrupted about a hundred and fifty

times, until on the third day he was so hoarse that he had to desist. The

Catholics made a generous proposal that any Donatist bishop who should join the

Church, should preside alternately with the Catholic bishop in the episcopal

chair, unless the people should object, in which case both must resign and a new

election be made. The conference was held on the 1, 3, and 8 June. The policy of

the Donatists was to raise technical objections, to cause delay, and by all

manner of means to prevent the Catholic disputants from stating their case. The

Catholic case was, however, clearly enunciated on the first day in letters which

were read, addressed by the Catholic bishops to Marcellinus and to their

deputies to instruct them in the procedure. A discussion of important points was

arrived at only on the third day, amid many interruptions. It was then evident

that the unwillingness of the Donatists to have a real discussion was due to the

fact that they could not reply to the arguments and documents brought forward by

the Catholics. The insincerity as well as the inconsequence and clumsiness of

the sectaries did them great harm. The main doctrinal points and historical

proofs of the Catholics were made perfectly plain. The cognitor summed up in

favor of the Catholic bishops. The churches which had been provisionally

restored to the Donatists were to be given up; their assemblies were forbidden

under grave penalties. The lands of those who permitted Circumcellions on their

property were to be confiscated. The minutes of this great conference were

submitted to all the speakers for their approval, and the report of each speech

(mostly only a single sentence) was signed by the speaker as a guarantee of its

accuracy. We possess these manuscripts in full only as far as the middle of the

third day; for the rest only the headings of each little speech are preserved.

These headings were composed by order of Marcellinus in order to facilitate

reference. On account of the dullness and a length of the full report, St.

Augustine composed a popular resume of the discussions in his "Breviculus

Collationis", and went with more detail into a few points in a final pamphlet,

"Ad Donatistas post Collationem".

On 30 Jan., 412, Honorius issued a final law against the Donatists, renewing old

legislation and adding a scale of fines for Donatist clergy, and for the laity

and their wives: the illustres were to pay fifty pounds of gold, the spectabiles

forty, the senatores and sacerdotales thirty, the clarissimi and principales

twenty, the decuriones, negotiatores, and plebeii five, which Circumcellions

were to pay ten pounds of silver. Slaves were to be reproved by their masters,

coloni were to be constrained by repeated beatings. All bishops and clerics were

exiled from Africa. In 414 the fines were increased for those of high rank: a

proconsul, vicar, or count was fined two hundred pounds of gold, and a senator a

hundred. A further law was published in 428. The good Marcellinus, who had

become the friend of St. Augustine, fell a victim (it is supposed) to the

rancour of the Donatists; for he was put to death in 413, as though an

accomplice in the revolt of Heraclius, Count of Africa, in spite of the orders

of the emperor, who did not believe him guilty. Donatism was now discredited by

the conference and proscribed by the persecuting laws of Honorius. The

Circumcellions made some dying efforts, and a priest was killed by them at

Hippo. It does not seem that the decrees were rigidly carried out, for the

Donatist clergy was still found in Africa. The ingenious Emeritus was at

Caesarea in 418, and at the wish of Pope Zosimus St. Augustine had a conference

with him, without result. But on the whole Donatism was dead. Even before the

conference the Catholic Bishops in Africa were considerably more numerous than

the Donatists, except in Numidia. From the time of the invasion of the Vandals

in 430 little is heard of them until the days of St. Gregory the Great, when

they seem to have revived somewhat, for the pope complained to the Emperor

Maurice that the laws were not strictly enforced. They finally disappeared with

the irruptions of the Saracens.

DONATIST WRITERS

There seems to have been no lack of literary activity among the Donatists of the

fourth century, though little remains to us. The works of Donatus the Great were

known to St. Jerome, but have not been preserved. His book on the Holy Spirit is

said by that Father to have been Arian in doctrine. It is possible that the

Pseudo-Cyprianic "De singularitate clericorum" is by Macrobius; and the

"Adversus aleatores" is by an antipope, either Donatist or Novatianist. The

arguments of Parmenianus and Cresconius are known to us, though their works are

lost; but Monceaux has been able to restore from St. Augustine's citations short

works by Petilianus of Constantine and Gaudentius of Thamugadi, and also a

libellus by a certain Fulgentius, from the citations in the Pseudo-Augustinian

"Contra Fulgentium Donatistam". Of Tichonius, or Tyconius, we still possess the

treatise "De Septem regulis" (P.L., XVIII; new ed. by Professor Burkitt, in

Cambridge "Texts and Studies", III, 1, 1894) on the interpretation of Holy

Scripture. His commentary on the Apocalypse is lost; it was used by Jerome,

Primasius, and Beatus in their commentaries on the same book. Tichonius is

chiefly celebrated for his views on the Church, which were quite inconsistent

with Donatism, and which Parmenianus tried to refute. In the famous words of St.

Augustine (who often refers to his illogical position and to the force with

which her argued against the cardinal tenets of his own sect): "Tichonius

assailed on all sides by the voices of the holy pages, awoke and saw the Church

of God diffused throughout the world, as had been foreseen and foretold of her

so long before by the hearts and mouths of the saints. And seeing this, he

undertook to demonstrate and assert against his own party that no sin of man,

however villainous and monstrous, can interfere with the promises of God, nor

can any impiety of any persons within the Church cause the word of God to be

made void as to the existence and diffusion of the Church to the ends of the

earth, which was promised to the Fathers and now is manifest" (Contra Ep.

Parmen., I, i).

JOHN CHAPMAN

Transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen

Aeterna non caduca

From the Catholic Encyclopedia, copyright © 1913 by the Encyclopedia Press, Inc.

Electronic version copyright © 1996 by New Advent, Inc.